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November 4, 2026
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Calling Israel's 2026 vote a life-or-death event may make losing harder to accept

Analyst Danny Kushmaro argues that labeling Tuesday's election as the most important in history distorts political reality and complicates the transfer of power.

By Owen Turner ·

Illustration for: Calling Israel's 2026 vote a life-or-death event may make losing harder to accept
Illustration generated for this article, not a news photograph.

Danny Kushmaro, a political analyst, argues that Israel's election scheduled for Tuesday, November 3, 2026, should not be defined as the most fateful in the nation's history. He notes that media outlets and politicians have repeatedly used phrases such as 'most important' and 'most fateful' to describe the upcoming vote. Kushmaro contends that this language is a recurring pattern in Israeli campaigns rather than a unique descriptor of the current contest.

The central risk of this rhetoric, according to Kushmaro, is that it transforms standard political competition into an existential struggle. When leaders frame an election as a matter of national survival, defeat becomes more than a setback that can be corrected in the next cycle. Instead, losing appears to be a condition the country cannot withstand. This framing makes it harder for the losing bloc to accept the result and transition power smoothly.

Kushmaro points to the political instability following the formation of Naftali Bennett's government in 2021 as a case study. Before that coalition was sworn in, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu characterized its creation as 'the greatest election fraud.' Although Netanyahu referred to broken campaign promises rather than stolen ballots, the term cast a legitimate parliamentary outcome as fraudulent. This set a tone that questioned the legitimacy of the new administration from the start.

During the Bennett era, the opposition focused heavily on the Knesset to dismantle the government. Because the coalition held a slim majority, every vote carried weight. Opposition members sometimes voted against legislation they supported in order to weaken the ruling bloc. In recordings released in May 2022, Likud MK Miri Regev explained that she voted against measures benefiting soldiers and vulnerable groups because the primary goal was to topple the coalition.

When Benjamin Netanyahu won the 2022 election and formed a hard-right government, the dynamic shifted. Yair Lapid conceded the election and facilitated an orderly handover. However, as public protests against the judicial overhaul intensified, questions about legitimacy resurfaced. At a large demonstration in Tel Aviv in April 2023, former Shin Bet director Yuval Diskin stated that the government, while legally elected, was morally illegitimate due to its 'appalling composition and reprehensible actions.'

Kushmaro uses these examples to illustrate a broader trend in Israeli politics. The constant use of existential language creates a cycle where each side views the other as a threat to the state's survival. He advises voters and observers to recognize that every election feels momentous to those participating in it, but historical context suggests the current vote is not an outlier in terms of stakes.

The analyst warns that romanticizing the current campaign as uniquely historic may complicate the post-election period. By establishing that previous elections were also described in similar terms, Kushmaro aims to reset expectations for the November vote. He suggests that treating the outcome as a standard political result, rather than a historical turning point, may facilitate a smoother transfer of power.

Source: The Jerusalem Post

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